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\title {Philosophical Psychology \\ 14: What Do We Experience of Action?}
 
\maketitle
 

14: What Do We Experience of Action?

\def \ititle {14: What Do We Experience of Action?}
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What can we experience
when we encounter or perform
very small-scale purposive actions?

By ‘very small scale actions’ I mean things like grasping [instrumental] producing an phonemic gesture in speaking [communicative] or producing a bodily expression of emotion, as in frowning.
I take all of these very small scale actions to be goal-directed. To illustrate, consider producing a phonemic gesture. This involves a complex coordinated movement of lips, larynx, tounge and velum. Which movements are required to produce a particular phonemic gesture varies significantly depending on the context and situation. It is also possible to fail to articulate a phoneme. So I take the production of a phonemic gesture to be a purposive action: the goal is the articulation of a particular phoneme.
Now contrast two views ...

evidence?

To find evidence that might discriminate these views, we first need to consider the psychological mechanisms that underpin the performance of very small scale actions \textbf{and that make them the actions they are} ...
Ideally we want to identify pairs of cases with these features: in each case there is an experience revelatory of action; the two cases differ regarding what is represented motorically, but are otherwise as similar as possible; and which goal is revealed in each case matches what is represented motorically.

hemiplegia: with vs without anosognosia

Hemiplegic (HP)
AHP patient

Garbarini et al, 2012 figure 3

‘Figure3 Examples of subjects’ right hand trajectory in Bimanual Circle-Line condition. Note the increased ovalization for healthy controls (A) and for patients with AHP (B), but not for hemiplegic (HP; C) or patients with motor neglect (MN; D).’
One source of such cases is research on anosognosia for hemiplegia. Patients with anosognosia for hemiplegia will sometimes deny, and appear in some ways unaware of, a severe paralysis of one or more limbs on one side of their bodies. Some such patients lack concurrent awareness of failures to move their plegic limbs but do not suffer from severe sensory deficits or neglect, and cannot move their hemiplegic limbs at all. For our purposes it is useful to focus only on these patients.
On the leading, best supported explanation, in these cases anosognosia for hemiplegia arises from deficiencies in monitoring action \citep{berti:2005_shared,berti:2008_motor}. To illustrate, consider a patient who was asked to brush her hair holding a brush in her paralysed hand. Although she was unable to move the hand, she proceeded to move her head as if her hair was being brushed and then reported having successfully brushed her hair \citep[pp.\ 173--4]{berti:2008_motor}. How could a deficit in monitoring action explain this? When a subject with anosognosia for hemiplegia is asked to perform an action involving her hemiparetic limb, motor representations occur as they might do in ordinary subjects \citep{berti:2005_shared,garbarini:2012_moving}. However, in ordinary subjects monitoring processes reliably ensure that any failures to act are detected; motor representations adjust accordingly \citep{Haggard:2005sc}. By contrast, in these cases of anosognosia for hemiplegia, there is damage to the monitoring processes or to capacities underlying them. A consequence is that motor representations are isolated from information relevant to failures to act. This is why some patients with anosognosia for hemiplegia sometimes act as if their hemiparetic limbs were actually moving.
How is anosognosia for hemiplegia relevant to our concern with experiences revelatory of action? Consider an anosognosic patient like those just mentioned and a patient with hemiplegia but no anosognosia. Suppose each is asked to draw simultaneously with both hands, where the unaffected hand was supposed to continuously draw a vertical line and the paralysed hand to continuously draw a circle. There will be a difference in their experiences. The anosognosic patient will sometimes judge that she is performing a bimanual action; this indicates that she has an experience which reveals the goal of drawing both lines and circles. By contrast, the non-anosognosic patient with hemiplegia will report performing a unimanual action and not the bimanual action, of course; this confirms that, as expected, she has no experience revealing the goal of drawing both lines and circles. What could explain this difference in experience between the two patients? The sensory information available to each patient should be the same: after all, hemiplegic individuals can of course only actually move one hand, and the patients we are concerned with do not have relevant sensory deficits. But there is a difference between the patients' motor representations. In the anosognosic patient, deficient monitoring means that motor representations should occur much like those that would occur were she not hemiplegic: there will be motor representations concerning the movements of left and right hands. By contrast, in the hemiplegic but non-anosognosic patient intact monitoring ensures that these motor representations do not occur or do not persist: there will only be motor representations concerning the movements of the unaffected hand. The predicted difference in motor representation can be confirmed by measuring how straight the lines drawn are: in the anosognosic patient's case only, the attempted straight line will show interference of the sort that, ordinarily, would be expected only if the other hand were actually drawing a circle \citep{garbarini:2012_moving}. So comparing hemiplegic patients with and without anosognosia yields a pair of cases fitting our criteria: there are differences in which goals experiences reveal, and these differences appear to be determined by differences in what is represented motorically.
My question was,

What can we experience
when we encounter
very small-scale purposive actions?

My conclusion so far is this ...

Experiences revelatory of action
shaped by motor representations.

Note: not making commitments on what these experiences are experiences of, so not deciding between the Direct and Indirect Hypotheses.
Open question: how do the motor representations relate to the experiences.
One model: visual representation -> visual experience.
Another model: object indexes -> experience of objects. (Motor representations structure experiences of events.)
 

A Question about Experiences of (Speech) Actions

 
\section{A Question about Experiences of (Speech) Actions}
 
\section{A Question about Experiences of (Speech) Actions}
What do we experience when we encounter others’ actions? One hypothesis (the Indirect Hypothesis) says that such experiences are all experiences of bodily configurations, of joint displacements and of effects characteristic of particular actions. Another hypothesis (the Direct Hypothesis) says that in observing an action we sometimes experience not only bodily configurations and joint displacements and their sensory effects but also the action as directed to a particular outcome.

What do we experience when we
encounter others’ speech actions?

Indirect Hypothesis vs Direct Hypothesis

Indirect Hypothesis: experiences revelatory of action are all experiences of bodily configurations, of joint displacements and of effects characteristic of particular actions. Some such experiences are influenced by motor representations in ways that reliably improve veridicality. And such experiences can provide reasons for judgements about the goals of actions providing that the subject knows, or is entitled to rely on, certain facts about which bodily configurations, joint displacements and sensory effects are characteristic of which actions.
Direct Hypothesis some experiences revelatory of action are experiences of actions as directed to particular outcomes. In observing action we experience not only bodily configurations, joint displacements, sounds and the rest but also goal-directed actions. Further, such experiences stand to motor representations somewhat as perceptual experiences stand to perceptual representations. These experiences provide reasons for judgements in something like the way that, on some views, perceptual experience of a physical object might provide a reason for a judgement about that object.

What do we experience when we
encounter others’ speech actions?

Indirect Hypothesis vs Direct Hypothesis

?

motor representation -> experience of action -> thought

In something like the way experience may tie thoughts about seen objects to the representations involved in visual processes, so also it is experience that connects what is represented motorically to the objects of thought.
[significance] This may matter for understanding thought about action. On the face of it, the inferential isolation of thought from motor representation makes it reasonable to assume that an account of how humans think about actions would not depend on facts about motor representation at all. But the discovery that motor representations sometimes shape experiences revelatory of action justifies reconsidering this assumption. It is plausible that people sometimes have reasons for thoughts about actions, their own or others', that they would not have if it were not for their abilities to represent these actions motorically. To go beyond what we have considered here, it may even turn out that an ability to think about certain types of actions depends on an ability to represent them motorically.
[consequence] One consequence of our proposal concerns how experiences of one's own actions relate to experiences of others' actions. For almost any action, performing it would typically involve receiving perceptual information quite different to that involved in observing it. This may suggest that experiences involved in performing a particular action need have nothing in common with experiences involved in observing that action. However, two facts about motor representation, its double life and the way it shapes experience, jointly indicate otherwise. For actions directed to those goals that can be revealed by experiences shaped by motor representations, there are plausibly aspects of phenomenal character common to experiences revelatory of one's own and of others' actions. In some respects, what you experience when others act is what you experience when you yourself act.
The claim that there is expeirence of action is based on an earlier argument. I now want to review and then object to that argument. (The conclusion may be correct, but the argument does not establish it.)

What do we experience when we encounter others’ (speech) actions?

Indirect Hypothesis vs Direct Hypothesis

The difference in differences ...
Here is the argument. Consider two sequences of sensory encounters: (a) a sequence of sensory encounters with two phonetic events that do not differ with respect to category (both are realisations of /d/, say), and (b) a sequence of sensory encounters with two phonetic events that do so differ (one is a realisation of /d/ the other of /g/, say).11 Let the events encountered in the first sequence differ from each other acoustically in the same way and by the same amount as the events encountered in the second sequence differ from each other. (That it is possible to find two such pairs of events follows from the fact that we enjoy categorical perception of speech.) The two sequences are depicted in Fig. 3. Now:

(1) The second sequence of sensory encounters, (b), differ from each other more in phenomenal character than the first sequence of sensory encounters, (a), differ from each other.

(2) This difference in differences in phenomenal character is a fact in need of explanation.

(3) The difference cannot be fully explained by appeal only to perceptual experiences as of acoustic features of the stimuli.

(4) The difference can be explained in terms of perceptual experiences as of phonetic properties.

(5) There is no better explanation of the difference.

This is less obvious than it might seem. We infer it from the facts about relevant acoustic features of the stimuli, and the way acoustic processes work. But we know that motor processes are also at work. And we can’t assume that motor processes do not influence acoustic processes. In fact we know that motor processes affect acoustic expeirences.

motor processes affect acoustic expeirences

Repp & Knoblich 2009, figure 3

Repp and Knoblich (\citeyear{repp:2007_action}) asked expert and non-expert pianists to press two keys in sequence, where the first key was sometimes to the left, and sometimes to the right, of the second key. The key presses produced an \emph{ambiguous tone pair}, that is, a pair with the property that the first tone is sometimes perceived as lower in pitch than the second whereas at other times it is perceived as higher in pitch \citep{deutsch:1987_tritone}. The tones always occurred in the same order regardless of which key was pressed first. By asking subjects to report how they perceived the relative pitches of the tones, Repp and Knoblich found that, for the expert pianists, the direction of the key presses influenced the perceived direction of the change in pitch. Could what influences experience in this case be not a motor representation but merely the occurrence of a movement, or perhaps even the perception of a movement of the subject's own fingers? Against these possibilities, note that the effect was not observed in non-expert pianists: for them the direction of movement did not measurably influence the perceived pitches. Since the direction of movement was the same for both groups, if the influence were due to movement only we would expect it to occur irrespective of piano-playing expertise. Instead it seems likely that differences in expertise between the two groups of subjects affected how the movements they performed were represented motorically, and that these differences in motor representation are in turn what explains their perceptions of relative pitches.
It is not only in performing action that motor representation can influence experience: the same can occur in observing action. Thus in another experiment, Repp and Knoblich (\citeyear{repp:2009_performed}) compared observing someone else perform a sequence of key presses with performing the same sequence oneself. They found the same effect on experiences of an ambiguous tone pair in expert pianists regardless of whether they were observing or performing the action. Sometimes, which judgement about pitch an experience provides a reason for depends on what is represented motorically; and this dependence is systematic, of course, for it reflects how pianos work. These studies, and others like them,% \footnote{ See also \citet{zwickel:2010_interference} who investigate effects of action on visual experience of motion, and \citet{schutz-bosbach:2007_perceptual} for a review. } provide relatively direct evidence that motor representation can shape experience.

motor processes affect acoustic expeirences

(1) The second sequence of sensory encounters, (b), differ from each other more in phenomenal character than the first sequence of sensory encounters, (a), differ from each other.

(2) This difference in differences in phenomenal character is a fact in need of explanation.

(3) The difference cannot be fully explained by appeal only to perceptual experiences as of acoustic features of the stimuli.

(4) The difference can be explained in terms of perceptual experiences as of phonetic properties.

(5) There is no better explanation of the difference.

What do we experience when we encounter others’ (speech) actions?

Indirect Hypothesis vs Direct Hypothesis

 

Action Experience

 
\section{Action Experience}
 
\section{Action Experience}
What do you experience when someone acts? According to the Action Index Conjecture, motor representations of outcomes structure experiences, imaginings and (prospective) memories in ways which provide opportunities for attention to actions directed to those outcomes. Forming intentions concerning an outcome can influence attention to the action, which can influence the persistence of a motor representation of the outcome.
Step back and consider the problem more generally. The mind is made up of lots of different, loosely connected systems that work largely independently of each other. To a certain extent it’s fine for them to go their own way; and of course since they all get the same inputs (what with being parts of a single subject), there are limits on how separate the ways the go can be. Still, it’s often good for them to be aligned, at least eventually.
Experience is what enables there to be nonaccidental eventual alignment of largely independent cognitive systems. This is what experience is for.
Can we think along these lines in the case of action?
\textbf{What do we experience when someone acts?} One possibility is that we experience only bodily configurations, joint displacements and effects characteristic of particular actions. For the purposes of this talk, I will assume that this is wrong. Instead I will assume that we experience not only bodily configurations, joint displacements, sounds and the rest but also goal-directed actions.
What might it mean to experience action?

How are non-accidental matches possible?

action

Contents of motor representations vs contents of intentions.

vision

Contents of visual representations vs contents of beliefs.

Could action experiences be like visual experiences? This wound imply that there are expeirences of action which stand to motor representations in something like the way that visual experiences stand to visual representations.
If this were right, how would it help with the interface problem?

Visual representations cause visual experiences, which provide reasons for beliefs.

Beliefs (and desires) influence orientation and attention, and thereby visual representations.

This seems unlikely for several reasons. First, vision involves a particular sensory modality. It would be quite radical to postulate a motor modality.
Second, the interface problem in the case of vision is, I suppose, primarily about how visual representations influence beliefs; you don’t want influence in the other direction, or at least not too much. By contrast, influence from intention to motor representation is essential; so vision seems likely to provide a poor for the case of action.

model 2: sensations (the feeling of familiarity)

model 3: object indexes

what is an object index? Formally, an object index is ‘a mental token that functions as a pointer to an object’ \citep[p.\ 11]{Leslie:1998zk}. If you imagine using your fingers to track moving objects, an object index is the mental counterpart of a finger \citep[p.~68]{pylyshyn:1989_role}.
The interesting thing about object indexes is that a system of object indexes (at least one, maybe more) appears to underpin cognitive processes which are not strictly perceptual but also do not involve beliefs or knowledge states. While I can’t fully explain the evidence for this claim here, I do want to mention one of the experimental tools that is used to investigate the existence of, and the principles underpinning, a system of object indexes which operates between perception and thought ...
[Object indexes are going to come in twice: once as a partial solution to the interface problem, then again as a model for a further conjecture about how it might be solved (the ‘action index’ conjecture).]
I was just saying that Experience is what enables there to be nonaccidental eventual alignment of largely independent cognitive systems. This is what experience is for.

object indexes

Scholl 2007, figure 4

what is an object index? Formally, an object index is ‘a mental token that functions as a pointer to an object’ \citep[p.\ 11]{Leslie:1998zk}. If you imagine using your fingers to track moving objects, an object index is the mental counterpart of a finger \citep[p.~68]{pylyshyn:1989_role}.
The interesting thing about object indexes is that a system of object indexes (at least one, maybe more) appears to underpin cognitive processes which are not strictly perceptual but also do not involve beliefs or knowledge states.
Object indexes are belief-independent. In this scenario, a patterned square disappears behind the barrier; later a plain black ring emerges. If you consider speed and direction only, these movements are consistent with there being just one object. But given the distinct shapes and textures of these things, it seems all but certain that there must be two objects. Yet in many cases these two objects will be assigned the same object index \citep{flombaum:2006_temporal,mitroff:2007_space}.

What do object indexes contribute to experience? Structure!

nonmodal. Not arrangement of surfaces in space and their boundaries (vision, touch). Instead we should think of them as giving \textbf{structure} to experience.
When a patterned square moves behind the occluder and a solid ring emerges on a spatio-temporal trajectory compatible with a single object, you can report the experience of a single object moving. But what is this experience? It’s not an experience of the surfaces, but nor is it an experience of something independent from the surfaces or of an entirely different element of experience. What you’re commenting on is something about the structure of your experience.

object indexes

belief-independent

structure experiences

subject to limited, indirect cognitive control through attention

motor representations

intention-independent

structure experiences

subject to limited, indirect cognitive control through attention

There’s one major disanalogy with object indexes. Object indexes are about things which are actually present, whereas the motor representations we are interested in specify possible future outcomes.
This appears to be an objection because on the face of it, it seems that there could not be expeirence of future actions any more than we can experience future events.
So, you might object, the idea that motor representations structure experience is ok if you are merely observing someone act, but it will not help with performing actions.

Costantini et al, 2010 figure 1b

Part of the answer to the objection is that motor representations of outcomes may structure our experiences of objects. The existence of affordances suggests that this is at least possible.
So here is the idea: What is experienced is an object, not an action or an outcome. So the fact that the action lies in the future and the outcome has not yet occurred is no objection. But the motor representation of the outcome structures the experience of the object in some way. So the overall character of the experience of the mug differs when an action is represented motorically compared to when it does not.
And this difference is structural in the same sense that the difference object indexes make is structural. It’s about how elements of experience are organised rather than about any particular sensory modality.

‘Action index’ conjecture

Motor representations of outcomes structure
experiences, imaginings and (prospective) memories

in ways which provide opportunities for attention to actions directed to those outcomes.

Forming intentions concerning an outcome can influence attention to the action,

which can influence the persistence of a motor representation of the outcome.

A second objection: intentions and motor representations need to match in situations where you merely imagine acting or merely imaginary objects. In such situations there are no objects to experience.
Reply: motor representations structure experiences associated with imaginig things as they do experiences associated with actually perceiving things. To imagine acting on a mug (say), you need to imagine the mug.
A third objection: close your eyes, put yourself in a sensory deprivation chamber. Let your hand rest palm down on a table. Now intend to turn your hand palm up. Often enough, the intention will succeed. But by hypothesis there is nothing you experience (you are in a sensory deprivation chamber).
Two points in reply to this objection: first, we haven’t removed proprioception and other somasomatic senses. It may be that motor representations structure experiences of the body just as much as they structure experiences of mere objects.
But what if you remove somasomatic senses too? This is likely to impair action, but unlikely to make it impossible. Perhaps the ability to act in such situations depends on memory and imagination.

Predictions?

So far I’ve suggested that this conjecture (a) might contribute to solving the interface problem and (b) isn’t obviously wrong. But how could we tell whether it is right? What predictions does it generate?

1. Not all action-related changes in experience are merely changes in bodily configurations, movements and their sensory effects.

Prediction 1: it is possible to vary which action someone experiences while holding fixed her perceptual experiences of bodily configurations and joint displacements and their sensory effects.

2. Memory for objects should be influenced by their affordances.