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Three questions: \begin{enumerate} \item How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing? \item Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks? \item Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? (And how could belief-tracking ever be automatic if it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?) \end{enumerate}

Q1

How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing models?

Q2

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Q3

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? How could belief-tracking be automatic given evidence that it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?

To more fully specify mindreading we need a theory that specifies both the models and the processes involved in mindreading.

1. models

2. processes

\title {Philosophical Psychology \\ 09: Signature Limits}
 
\maketitle
 

09: Signature Limits

\def \ititle {09: Signature Limits}
\begin{center}
{\Large
\textbf{\ititle}
}
 
\iemail %
\end{center}
 
\section{Minimal Theory of Mind}
 
\section{Minimal Theory of Mind}
The construction of a minimal theory of mind provides on account of how automatic and nonautoamtic mindreading could make complementary trade-offs between speed and accuracy.

Which models of minds and actions underpin which mental state tracking processes?

the

dogma

of mindreading

To make progress in understanding how minds might be intelligible to chimpanzees, we need to reject a dogma. The dogma is that there is one model of the mental and mindreading involves the use of that model. Or, more carefully (to accommodate Wellman et al), the dogma is that there is either just one model or else a family of models where one of the models, the best and most sophisticated model, contains all of the states that are contained in any of the models.
[Is this way of putting is clearer? : the mental states included in each model are a subset of the mental states included in the best, most sophisticated model. (The idea is that there is a model containing all the states in the union of the sets of states contained in each model.) ]
Lots of researchers’ views and arguments depend on this dogma. But I think you can see that the dogma is not something we should take for granted by drawing a parallel between mindreading and physical cognition.

Which model s of minds and actions underpin which mental state tracking processes?

An agent’s \emph{field} is a set of objects related to the agent by proximity, orientation and other factors.
First approximation: an agent \emph{encounters} an object just if it is in her field.
A \emph{goal} is an outcome to which one or more actions are, or might be, directed.
%(Not to be confused with a \emph{goal-state}, which is an intention or other state of an agent linking an action to a particular goal to which it is directed.)
\textbf{Principle 1}: one can’t goal-directedly act on an object unless one has encountered it.
Applications: subordinate chimps retrieve food when a dominant is not informed of its location \citep{Hare:2001ph}; when observed scrub-jays prefer to cache in shady, distant and occluded locations \citep{Dally:2004xf,Clayton:2007fh}.
First approximation: an agent \emph{registers} an object at a location just if she most recently encountered the object at that location.
A registration is \emph{correct} just if the object is at the location it is registered at.
\textbf{Principle 2}: correct registration is a condition of successful action.
Applications: 12-month-olds point to inform depending on their informants’ goals and ignorance \citep{Liszkowski:2008al}; chimps retrieve food when a dominant is misinformed about its location \citep{Hare:2001ph}; scrub-jays observed caching food by a competitor later re-cache in private \citep{Clayton:2007fh,Emery:2007ze}.
\textbf{Principle 3}: when an agent performs a goal-directed action and the goal specifies an object, the agent will act as if the object were actually in the location she registers it at.
Applications: some false belief tasks \citep{Onishi:2005hm,Southgate:2007js,Buttelmann:2009gy}.
Shift from thinking about registration as conditions on success of actions to causes which set parameters for action.

Fact:

Minimal theory of mind specifics a model of minds and actions,

one which could in principle explain how certain mindreading processes trade accuracy for speed.

Conjecture:

Automatic mindreading processes are characterised by a minimal model of minds and actions.

1. Mechanisms

Conjecture: Some mindreading processes are more automatic than others.

Prediction: Varying task instructions will differentially affect responses indicative of mindreading.

2. Models

Conjecture: Some automatic mindreading processes rely on minimal models of the mental.

Prediction: Those mindreading processes are subject to the signature limits of minimal models.

A \emph{signature limit of a model} is a set of predictions derivable from the model which are incorrect, and which are not predictions of other models under consideration.

 

Signature Limits

 
\section{Signature Limits}
 
\section{Signature Limits}
A signature limit of a model is a prediction which can be derived from the model, which cannot be derived from any other models under consideration, and which is untrue. Signature limits make it possible to test hypotheses about which model characterises a particular mindreading process.
Automatic belief-tracking in adults and belief-tracking in infants are both subject to signature limits associated with minimal theory of mind (\citealp{wang:2015_limits,Low:2012_identity,low:2014_quack,mozuraitis:2015_privileged}; contrast \citealp{scott:2015_infants}).
Three questions: \begin{enumerate} \item How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing? \item Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks? \item Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? (And how could belief-tracking ever be automatic if it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?) \end{enumerate}

Q1

How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing models?

Q2

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Q3

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? How could belief-tracking be automatic given evidence that it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?

We’re really close to being able to answer this first question ... (Remember Requirement 2, models) But I want to approach this indirectly by asking a related question ...

How can we test

which model of the mental physical

a process is using?

Using signature limits!

[First say what signature limits in general are]
I said,signature limit of a model is a set of predictions derivable from the model which incorrect, and which are not predictions of other models under consideration.
Let me pause to spell out the logic of this.

signature limits

Hypothesis 1

Response R is the product of a process using a model characterised by Theory 1

These are the hypotheses I wanted to test.

Fact

Theory 1 predicts that the protagonist will J.

Prediction of Hypothesis 1

Response R will proceed as if the protagonist will J.

Hypothesis 2

Response R is the product of a process using a model characterised by Theory 2

Fact

Theory 2 predicts that the protagonist will not J.

Prediction of Hypothesis 2

Response R will proceed as if the protagonist will not J

E.g. minimal theory of mind.
E.g. canonical theory of mind.
The response might be an explicit verbal response, a proactive gaze, or anything else that can indicate belief-tracking and its absence.
To test the hypotheses, I need to identify an area where the theories describing the models make incompatible predictions. This is a signature limit of impetus mechanics.
The fact allows me to derive different predicts from the hypotheses.
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.25\textwidth]{fig/signature_limits_table.png}
\end{center}
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.3\textwidth]{fig/low_2012_fig.png}
\end{center}

While the protagonist is present, the item is placed in Location-1.

The protagonist [ stays / leaves ],

and the item is [ moved / transformed ].

drawn from Low & Watts (2013); Low et al (2014)

Here are standard anticipatory looking and looking time responses (Since they are approximately the same and this is rough, I'm only giving you one bar for both measures)

drawn from Low & Watts (2013); Low et al (2014)

Now look at what happens when we change the task to an identity/appearance task.

drawn from Low & Watts (2013); Low et al (2014)

And this isn't because the subjects are confused: the switch from location to identity/appearance has no measurable effect on explicit verbal responses.
Recall this question ... ... we’re now in a position to answer it!
Three questions: \begin{enumerate} \item How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing? \item Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks? \item Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? (And how could belief-tracking ever be automatic if it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?) \end{enumerate}

Q1

How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing models?

Q2

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Q3

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? How could belief-tracking be automatic given evidence that it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Requirement 1: Diversity in strategies

Requirement 2: Models

signature limits

of minimal models of mind

I said,signature limit of a model is a set of predictions derivable from the model which incorrect, and which are not predictions of other models under consideration.
As the study just mentioned \citep{kozhevnikov:2001_impetus} beautifully illustrates, identifying signature limits can make it possible to test conjectures about which theory underpins a given cognitive phenomenon.

- identity as compression/expansion [has been tested*]

- duck/rabbit [has been tested*]

- fission/fusion [is being tested*]

- quantification

There is a caveat. I want to test the claim that automatic processes use minimal models of the mental. When testing limits, people have used certain measures ...

measures:

- spontaneous anticipatory looking

- looking duration

- active helping (Fizke et al, 2017; unpublished data)

- response times

And now you can see the problem. Which of these measures are driven by automatic processes? Only for the second, looking duration, do we have evidence that it sometimes reflects processes that are automatic in false belief tasks \citep{schneider:2014_task}.
Just say that you can do this with other stimuli and paradigms, and we have done this with infants and would like to do it with adults.
These findings complicate the picture: is helping driven by automatic processes only? If not, why do we predict that the signature limit of minimal theory of mind is found in this case too?

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

We need to be cautious in interpreting these results (as Edwards and Low were).

categorical vs non-categorical measures

‘The test for a significant [...] effect is concerned only with the question of whether a true difference in response times (RTs) exists in the population, regardless of its size.

‘One can conclude from this effect only that some classification of the [actions] has happened, but [...] whether it was more [or less] accurate than in the direct task remain unknown.

To make the claim that the RTs are evidence for good [or bad] unconscious classification, [we] would have needed to show that the RTs can be used to [predict the actions].’

Franz and von Luxburg, 2015 p. 1646

Scott et al (2015, figure 2b)

Scott and colleagues \citep{scott:2015_infants} provided other evidence suggesting that infants’ mindreading may be relatively sophisticated. Specifically, 17-month-olds watched a thief attempt to steal a preferred object (a rattling toy) when its owner was momentarily absent by substituting it with a less-preferred object (a non-rattling toy). Infants looked longer when the thief substituted the preferred object with a non-visually-matching silent toy compared to when the thief substituted it with a visually-matching silent toy. The authors postulated that infants can ascribe to the thief an intention to implant in the owner a false-belief about the identity of the substituted toy. The authors further suggested that infants make such ascriptions only when the substitution involves a visually-matching toy and the owner will not test whether the toy rattles on her return.
However, Scott et al.’s \citep{scott:2015_infants} explanations also require postulating that infants take the thief to be strikingly inept; despite having opportunity simply to pilfer from a closed box known to contain at least three rattling toys, the thief engages in elaborate deception which will be uncovered whenever the substituted toy is next shaken and the thief, as sole suspect, easily identified. A further difficulty is that factors unrelated to the thief’s mental states vary between conditions, such as the frequencies with which toys visually matching one present during the final phase of the test trial have rattled. These considerations jointly indicate that further evidence would be needed to support the claim that humans’ early mindreading capacity enables them to ascribe intentions concerning false beliefs involving numerical identity.
We've just seen evidence for the second claim, as promised.

Constructing minimal theories of mind yields models of the mental which

... could be used by automatic mindreading processes.

... are used by some automatic mindreading processes.

... are the only models used by automatic mindreading processes.

The evidence we have doesn’t support the third claim (that minimal theories of mind yield models which are are the only models used by automatic mindreading).
I do think there's an interesting theoretical argument for the third claim but I'm not sure how interested people are so I've left that out. (It's in an appendix.)

Automaticity requires (some degree of) cognitive efficiency,

but using a canonical model is cognitively demanding.

[Move ahead to schneiders puzzle and then come back here.]

- working memory

- attention

- inhibitory control

[*todo: lots of references missing from the following, e.g. Quereshi et al; good summary in Schniedier et al 2014 WHat do we know ... paper.]
For adults (and children who can do this), representing perceptions and beliefs as such---and even merely holding in mind what another believes, where no inference is required---involves a measurable processing cost \citep{apperly:2008_back,apperly:2010_limits}, consumes attention and working memory in fully competent adults \citealp{Apperly:2009cc, lin:2010_reflexively, McKinnon:2007rr}, may require inhibition \citep{bull:2008_role} and makes demands on executive function \citep{apperly:2004_frontal,samson:2005_seeing}.
People sometimes argue that what is cognitively demanding has nothing to do with belief ascription but extraneous demands imposed in these tasks. But there is a wide range of evidence (listed on your handout) using different paradigms and carefully controlling for just this possibility (for example, some studies compare tasks that are about beliefs with tasks that are as similar as possible but not about beliefs).
It makes sense to suppose that these cognitive demands are intrinsic rather than extraneous. Compare representing beliefs in a canonical model with measuring temperature using centigrade ...
Let me say one more thing about the cognitive demands of using a canonical model of mental states for mindreading ...

- it makes people slow down

... it makes people slow down \citep{Wel:2013uq}. (Also note that in \citet{lin:2010_reflexively}, even for people with high working memory capacity where no additional cognitive load is imposed, it takes significantly longer to follow an instruction that requires visual perspective taking than to follow an instruction that does not.)
Objection: ‘the theoretical arguments offered [...] are [...] unconvincing, and [...] the data can be explained in other terms’ (\citealp{carruthers:2015_two}; see also \citealp{carruthers:2015_mindreading}).
‘A cooperative multi-system architecture is better able to explain infant belief representation than a parallel architecture, and causal representation, schemas and models provide a more promising basis for flexible belief representation than does a rule-based approach of the kind described by Butterfill and Apperly’ (\citealp{christensen:_twoa}; see also \citealp{michael:2016_flexible,michael:2013_mindreading}).

signature limits generate predictions

Adults

Hypothesis:

Some automatic belief-tracking systems rely on minimal models of the mental.

Prediction:

Automatic belief-tracking is subject to the signature limits of minimal models.

more predictions

One problem for the dual process theory currently is that we need to be able to generate more predictions.
As I said before, we need four ingredients to characterise a mindreading process: a model of minds and actions, a mechanism, a task- and response-analysis and some signature limits.

How to characterise a (or the) mindreading process?

1. model of minds and actions (minimal vs canonical)

2. mechanisms
(automatic vs nonautomatic; motoric vs epistemic?)

3. task and response-type analysis

4. signature limits

So far we have mainly focussed on deriving signature limits from models. But this is a fraught process: the more detailed we specify the model, the more arbitrary it is. [Compare Spelke’s principles of object perception.]
A dual process theory of mindreading is in essence one that says there are multiple kinds of somewhat independent mindreading processes. While this implies that the mindreading processes probably involve substantially different models of minds and actions, it doesn’t entail any very concrete committments.
We therefore need to combine speculation about models with speculation about mechanims.s
Given my attachment to the Crude Picture of the Mind, I'm attracted to a simple but bold conjecture: \textbf{automatic mindreading is an extension of motor processes that underpin goal tracking}.

conclusion

In conclusion, ...
A note on the method again ...

1. a dual-process theory

motivates conjectures about

2. a minimal model of minds and actions

which entails

3. signature limits

that generate predictions.

So how does the signature limits idea help us with the three questions?
Three questions: \begin{enumerate} \item How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing? \item Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks? \item Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? (And how could belief-tracking ever be automatic if it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?) \end{enumerate}

Q1

How do observations about tracking support conclusions about representing models?

Q2

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’, human infants’ and human adults’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Q3

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? How could belief-tracking be automatic given evidence that it significantly depends on working memory and consumes attention?